Tuesday, March 11, 2025
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Tuesday, March 11, 2025

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Is Josh Kaul’s DOJ Abusing the Use of a Powerful Investigative Tool to Take Down a Wisconsin Business Owner?

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Is AG Josh Kaul using his power to harass an immigrant-owned business for his own political gain?

One of southeastern Wisconsin’s largest landlords is accusing Attorney General Josh Kaul and a Tony Evers’ appointee of engaging in an “unconstitutional” and harassing fishing expedition against an immigrant-owned Milwaukee-area business that says it is fighting against gentrification by offering affordable housing to help Milwaukeeans.

In essence, Berrada Properties Management, Inc. argues the government used COVID-19 policies and a couple anonymous complaints to launch a wide-ranging, endless investigation into almost every corner of the business without grounds or proper foundation. They say it’s a premise that should terrify every business owner.

The massive probe started because of a few anonymous complaints that Berrada was violating Evers’ Safer at Home order on COVID-19 by replacing 55-year-old windows in apartments, which the government considered an illegal violation of COVID rules. From there, the investigation spawned into almost every aspect of the company.

BerradaBerrada Properties Management, Inc., and Youssef Berrada, its owner, filed the lawsuit in federal court in the Eastern District of Wisconsin against Kaul and Randy Romanski, head of the Wisconsin Department of Agriculture, Trade and Consumer Protection, and an Evers’ appointee. Representing Berrada is Reinhart Boerner Van Deuren s.c. The case has been pending since 2021, but it’s worth scrutinizing now that Kaul is running for re-election as Attorney General. The company also sued Kaul and Romanski in Ozaukee County Circuit Court alleging similar grounds; the Ozaukee case was moved to federal court.

Kaul and Evers’ administrator have their side, which they have articulated aggressively in the news media and in court filings.

In contrast, Berrada has run up against a liberal media that focuses far more on tenants’ rights than landlords’ rights or the practical concerns they face when tenants simply refuse to pay, especially after two years of a pandemic. Very few stories have thoroughly given Berrada’s side, nor have they explained the details of his lawsuits or the fact that Kaul went after him most aggressively after Berrada sued the attorney general (and Evers’ administration) to stop what Berrada considers an unconstitutional witchhunt into nearly every aspect of the business without proper foundation to do so. The liberal media’s stories have been almost all tilted toward giving Kaul’s side without fully exploring Berrada’s.

We explain that side thoroughly here.

Kaul’s DOJ is taking aim at BPM’s eviction process and has filed a case against the company that appears to be nothing more than a fishing expedition by issuing “Civil Investigative Demands.” These are called CIDs, the company’s supporters say.

They are the powerful tool that is giving DOJ and DATCP such unfettered power.

BerradaWhat has not been widely reported, is that Berrada Properties Management (BPM) filed the lawsuit against the Wisconsin Department of Agriculture, Trade and Consumer Protection (DATCP) and DOJ well over a year ago. That case has still not come to a resolution.

Was the DOJ case that was filed against BPM done in retaliation for the case brought against DATCP and DOJ? Some think so.

The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel has been writing investigative pieces trashing Berrada since at least 2018. One newspaper article quoted a Legal Aid Society representative as calling it “gross” that the company was responsible for a large percentage of evictions in Milwaukee – even though Berrada is one of the largest landlords in Milwaukee. Fox 6 reported that Berrada was behind a surge in evictions in February 2022; the company said it needed to start evicting the tenants who owed the most money because it’s owed millions in outstanding rental payments.

“We have a lot people unresponsive, meaning, we have tried sending [certified] letters, emails, text messages, knocking on their door…no response,” Berrada told WTMJ of the evictions.

He added: “This is the very, very last resort. We had to do it. We could not continue to do business like that…It’s people that owe us, 10, 12, $15,000 with no response…We had to cut the ties.”

A few months later, after Berrada sued Kaul and Evers’ administration alleging unconstitutional and unfounded harassment, Kaul generated big headlines against the business in the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and other local media by filing a massive lawsuit against it. Kaul alleged that Berrada’s rental agreements had “illegal provisions” such as making tenants pay attorney fees for evictions. Berrada “vehemently” denied the allegations. The case has a motion hearing coming up March 18, 2022, in Milwaukee County.

The civil enforcement complaint filed by Kaul made a series of accusations of unfair billing practices and other things against Berrada that the company denies; among them, claiming it conducted  “renovation projects in a negligent manner” causing pest infestation.

The investigation starts with COVID complaints

It all started with COVID.

An April 29, 2020 letter from Romanski’s agency scolded Berrada, saying the state had received three complaints that Berrada maintenance workers were “entering apartments to replace windows and doors” when the COVID emergency order only allowed emergency maintenance. The state wrote that it considered this an “illegal entry,” warning that it could result in criminal prosecution.

BerradaBerrada responded that it believed the window replacement was necessary and permitted under Safer at Home orders, noting that some of the windows were almost 55 years old, were generating tenant complaints, and had caused structural damage and active leaks.

Soon thereafter, Berrada received the first extremely broad legal demand for information about its business, a CID.

Since then, Berrada and its supporters say, the Evers’ and Kaul administrations have continued to up the ante on the business, demanding endless details about the business and its tenants. They say Kaul’s DOJ overreach could potentially impact each and every privately owned business in the state of Wisconsin if such wide-ranging tactics are allowed and that CIDS are ripe for abuse by the government.

In court filings, Kaul has countered that the government does not need to establish probable cause before an investigation is complete, denied that a constitutional violation occurred, and argued that the CIDs “were consistent with the authority, purpose, and scope of DATCP’s investigation and duty to protect the public interest.”

In October 2020, Berrada’s lawyers sent Kaul a letter saying they still could not determine the “basis for this investigation” other than the anonymous COVID complaints.  The letter alleged that Kaul and Romanski’s agency based their investigation on newspaper articles.

The company denied being a “bully to tenants” and said that it regularly works with tenants who default on their rent but noted that Berrada has a “legal right to evict non-paying tenants and must do so in order to stay in business.”

BerradaThe attorney general’s office responded that complaints were just a part of the “impetus for the investigation… the conduct of our investigation and its scope are based on many sources of information,“ but did not say what they were.

Kaul’s DOJ and Evers’ DATCP are falsely smearing a private business doing the hard work of creating affordable housing in Milwaukee, Berrada’s supporters claim.

The lawsuit alleges that Kaul and Romanski and their agencies:

  • Asserted “unbounded authority to access information, force sworn responses, and mandate how BPM conducts its business” without “providing any foundation or scope for the investigation.”
  • Did this in “direct violation” of the Wisconsin and U.S. Constitutions.
  • Caused “unnecessary and inequitable harm to BPM’s business and reputation, as well as to Mr. Berrada.”
  • The “unreasonable and unfounded demands” by Kaul and Romanski have “no end in sight,” the lawsuit said.

What is Berrada Properties Management?

Berrada Property Management is a Wisconsin corporation based in Milwaukee. It manages residential properties in Milwaukee and Racine counties. Berrada is a Moroccan immigrant to the U.S., the suit notes. BPM is one of the largest landlords in the greater Milwaukee area, managing about 6,200 residential rental units in the greater Milwaukee area. The company rents two-bedroom apartments for about $450-1200.

BerradaBerrada’s business model is acquiring properties that were poorly managed and in a state of significant disrepair, the lawsuit says, then he undertakes “significant improvements” and upgrades the properties. Berrada is trying to “maintain a volume of low-income housing,” rather than gentrifying the buildings, the suit says. He tries to rent them out at similar rates before the repair.

Berrada says in the lawsuit that his company tries to work with existing tenants when it buys properties, even giving them a free month of rent. They say their evictions are low – only 0.2% of their rental units.

The Government’s Demands Intensify

There were only five complaints filed against Berrada in 2018 with the state and seven in 2019, and most were found to be without merit, the Berrada lawsuit said.

Some were anonymous. Complaints received by DATCP involved allegations that Berrada’s renovations on a building would violate the Safer at Home orders because of “contact with current and former tenants.”

BerradaDATCP then accused Berrada of violating the Safer at Home orders. They wanted Berrada to explain that “unreasonable and non-emergency entries” to rental properties would not occur during the “public health emergency.” The suit says DATCP does not have authority to enforce the Safer at Home Orders.

Berrada responded anyway and said that it only entered apartments for emergency maintenance and with the express permission of tenants.

Nonetheless, that’s when DATCP served Berrada with its first “Civil Investigative Demand.”

The government demanded “detailed information on every rental property owned, purchased or pending purchase by Mr. Berrada and detailed information on business entities owned or controlled by Mr. Berrada,” the suit says.

The demand was extremely broad. The Evers’ administration wanted many things from Berrada including its business structure, employees, late fee payments, transferred leases, information on 100 former tenants, most of whom were evicted, a description of internal accounting and much more.

A second CID was then sent. Berrada then sent voluminous information related to 229 property purchases and more to the government.

Yet on July 23, 2020, Kaul’s Department of Justice sent 15 additional detailed questions to Berrada as a supplement to the CIDs.

Berrada gave more information to the government, including information on its employees, property transactions, notices to tenants, and more.

BerradaBut DOJ and DATCP then demanded yet more information. Now they wanted communications, business documents, and more.

Due to COVID hardships, Berrada then returned over $1 million in late fees that Kaul and DATCP asserted were improperly collected based on their “interpretation” of statutory and rule provisions.

But even then, Kaul and Romanski persisted.

The governmental officials still would not provide a basis for the scope of the investigation, which accuses them of using articles in the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel as a partial basis for their investigation and demanding an opportunity “to edit and approve business documents,” the lawsuit alleges.

Berrada claims that the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel has run “unfair” articles. The lawsuit says the articles have trashed Berrada personally, even including a drone fly-over video of his home, details of his racial heritage and his “past relationships” while insinuating he violated the Safer at Home order and has “aggressive dealings” with tenants.

The Investigation Expands Into ‘Nearly Every Facet’ of the Business

After six months of investigation, it still wasn’t over.

Now, Kaul and Romanski “expanded their illegal inquiry into nearly every facet of BPM’s business,” the lawsuit contends.

In October 2020, Berrada informed DOJ it did not believe Kaul and Romanski had the authority to enforce the Safer at Home orders, nor to undertake such a broad investigation without foundation.

Kaul and Romanski would not back down. They became “more aggressive.”

BerradaThey cited an anonymous complaint that Berrada was telling tenants of a property it did not yet own that they would be forced to vacate their homes in 30 days.

They alleged a state statute violation but did not include details. Kaul and Romanski then demanded Berrada send a letter to the tenants of the building it did not own explaining they would not be forced to vacate or the state would do so, the suit says.

Berrada claims that Kaul and Romanski sent a CID to a business acquaintance of Berrada demanding information about properties sold to it.

They denied Berrada access to the CIDs sent to others in connection to the investigation. Berrada tried to file an open records request but most of it was not provided. DOJ said there were over 8,000 emails and over 78,000 documents over two years relating to Berrada, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and its reporter.

What Are Civil Investigative Demands? (CIDs)

To put it bluntly, The DATCP’s use of CIDs means they can investigate any business for any reason, demand whatever information they want as part of that investigation, and don’t have to disclose why they are investigating.

Below is a summary of a few powers that Evers’ DATCP is claiming under “Civil Investigative Demands” (CIDs) in its joint effort with the state DOJ in the persecution of Berrada.

Under a CID, DATCP claims the following:

DATCP “can investigate merely on suspicion that the law is being violated, or even just because it wants assurance that it is not.”

DATCP can issue a CID to persons engaged in business in Wisconsin, that requires production of a report or answers to specific questions as to “any matter which the department may investigate.”

As a tool for preliminary investigation, CIDs and other preliminary investigative requests are utilized “to determine whether a hearing or proceeding ought to be begun” under chapter 93. Wis. Stat. § 93.16(1)–(2). Until a complaint is filed, there is no requirement that DATCP disclose the basis for a preliminary investigation.

1. Whenever the department has reason to believe that a person is in possession, custody or control of any information or documentary material relevant to the enforcement of this section it may require that person to submit a statement or report, under oath or otherwise, as to the facts and circumstances concerning any activity in the course of trade or commerce; examine under oath that person with respect to any activity in the course of trade or commerce; and execute in writing and cause to be served upon such person a civil investigative demand requiring the person to produce any relevant documentary material for inspection and copying.
2. The department, in exercising powers under this subsection, may issue subpoenas, administer oaths and conduct hearings to aid in any investigation.
3. Service of any notice by the department requiring a person to file a statement or report, or service of a subpoena upon a person, or service of a civil investigative demand shall be made in compliance with the rules of civil procedure of this state.
4. If a person fails to file any statement or report, or fails to comply with any civil investigative demand, or fails to obey any subpoena issued by the department, such person may be coerced as provided in s. 885.12, except that no person shall be required to furnish any testimony or evidence under this subsection which might tend to incriminate the person.
(d) The department or the department of justice, after consulting with the department, or any district attorney, upon informing the department, may commence an action in circuit court in the name of the state to restrain by temporary or permanent injunction any violation of this section. The court may in its discretion, prior to entry of final judgment, make such orders or judgments as may be necessary to restore to any person any pecuniary loss suffered because of the acts or practices involved in the action, provided proof thereof is submitted to the satisfaction of the court. The department and the department of justice may subpoena persons and require the production of books and other documents, and the department of justice may request the department to exercise its authority under par. (c) to aid in the investigation of alleged violations of this section.
(e) In lieu of instituting or continuing an action pursuant to this section, the department or the department of justice may accept a written assurance of discontinuance of any act or practice alleged to be a violation of this section from the person who has engaged in such act or practice. The acceptance of such assurance by either the department or the department of justice shall be deemed acceptance by the other state officials enumerated in par. (d) if the terms of the assurance so provide. An assurance entered into pursuant to this section shall not be considered evidence of a violation of this section, provided that violation of such an assurance shall be treated as a violation of this section, and shall be subjected to all the penalties and remedies provided therefor.

Barrada Complaint

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$128 Million in Federal Grants Spent on Gender Ideology

More than $128 million of federal taxpayer money was spent on at least 341 grants to fund gender ideology initiatives under the Biden administration, according to an analysis of federal data by the American Principles Project.

In, “Funding Insanity: Federal Spending on Gender Ideology under Biden-Harris,” APP says it “found how the federal government has been spending hundreds of millions of YOUR MONEY on the Gender Industrial Complex!”

APP says it identified the grants by searching the USA Spending database. The data, which is available for free, is categorized by federal agency; notable grants are highlighted.

The U.S. Health and Human Services Department awarded the greatest amount of funding totaling nearly $84 million through 60 grants.

The Department of State awarded the greatest number of grants, 209, totaling more than $14 million, according to the data.

Other agencies awarding taxpayer-funded gender ideology grants include:

U.S. Agency for International Development, nearly $18 million through 8 grants;National Endowment for the Humanities, more than $2.6 million through 20 grants;Department of Justice, $1.9 million through three grants;Institute of Museum and Library Services, $1.87 million through 13 grants;Department of Education, $1.67 million through two grants;Department of Agriculture, $1.6 million through five grants;Department of the Interior, more than 1,000,000 awarded through two grants;U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, more than $548,000 through 4 grants;Inter-American Foundation, more than $490,000 through two grants;National Endowment for the Arts, $262,000 through 13 grants.

APP also identified 63 federal agency contracts totaling more than $46 million that promote gender ideology. They include total obligated amounts and the number of contracts per agency.

The majority, $31 million, was awarded through USAID. The next greatest amount of $4.4 million was awarded through the Department of Defense.

The Trump administration has taken several approaches to gut USAID, which has been met with litigation. The Department of Defense and other agencies are also under pressure to cut funding and reduce redundancies.

Notable grants include:

$3.9 million to Key Populations Consortium Uganda for promoting “the safety, agency, well-being and the livelihoods of LGBTQI+ in Uganda;”$3.5 million to Outright International for “the Alliance for Global Equality and its mission to promote LGBTQI+ people in priority countries around the world;”$2.4 million to the International Rescue Committee for “inclusive consideration of sexual orientation, gender identity, and sexual characteristics in humanitarian assistance;”$1.9 million to the American Bar Association to “shield the LGBTQI+ population in the Western Balkans;”$1.4 million for “economic empowerment of and opportunity for LGBTQI+ people in Serbia;”$1.49 million to Equality for All Foundation, Jamaica to “Strengthen community support structures to upscale LGBT rights advocacy;”More than $1 million to Bandhu Social Welfare Society to support gender diverse people in Bangladesh.

One of the grants identified by APP, which has since been cancelled, was $600,000 from the U.S. Department of Agriculture to Southern University Agricultural & Mechanical College in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, to study menstruation and menopause, including in biological men.

According to a description of the grant summary, funding would support research, extension, and teaching to address “growing concerns and issues surrounding menstruation, including the potential health risks posed to users of synthetic feminine hygiene products (FHP);” advancing research in the development of FHP that use natural materials and providing menstrual hygiene management; producing sustainable feminine hygiene sanitary products using natural fibers; providing a local fiber processing center for fiber growers in Louisiana, among others.

It states that menstruation begins in girls at roughly age 12 and ends with menopause at roughly age 51. “A woman will have a monthly menstrual cycle for about 40 years of her life averaging to about 450 periods over the course of her lifetime,” but adds: “It is also important to recognize that transgender men and people with masculine gender identities, intersex and non-binary persons may also menstruate.”

All federal funding was allocated to state agencies through the approval of Congress when it voted to pass continuing resolutions to fund the federal government and approved agency budgets.

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Audit: Wisconsin Voting Machines Has Zero Errors in 2024 Election

(The Center Square) – An audit of Wisconsin’s 2024 general election found no errors from its electronic voting system.

The audit included a review of 327,230 ballots statewide, around 10% of the total votes, that were counted by hand to ensure the electronic system had accurately counted the votes.

Previous audits included counting 145,000 ballots from the 2020 election and 222,075 from 2022.

The audit began immediately after the 2024 election.

“The municipal clerks, county clerks, election inspectors, and volunteers who completed these audits should be commended for their work and for their continued dedication to secure and accurate elections,” said WEC Administrator Meagan Wolfe.

The audit concluded that there were no issues in the ballot counting.

“They found no election equipment changed votes from one candidate to another, incorrectly tabulated votes, or altered the outcome of any audited contest,” the audit said. “Additionally, there was no evidence of programming errors, unauthorized alterations or hacking of voting equipment software, or malfunctions of voting equipment that altered the outcome of any races on the ballot.”

The audit found that there were five errors on the machines that had to be corrected throughout the state with three creases and a tear near an oval in Franklin being read as overvotes along with one smudge apiece in Antigo and Mukwonago leading to an error for an overvote.

“In total, 593 human errors were recorded in the administration of the 2024 post-election voting equipment audit,” the audit said. “While human factors may not be relevant to the federal definition of an error, they still inform the WEC of opportunities for improvement through additional training, procedural changes, or other actions.”

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“Payton, from now on schools will kick the men off the girls team or they will lose all federal funding,” Trump said, calling his policies a “common sense revolution.”

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National Sheriffs Association Says About 700,000 ICE Arrest Warrants Nationwide

State and local law enforcement are being put in harm's way with Illinois’ migrant sanctuary policies, the Illinois Sheriffs Association says.

Association Executive Director Jim Kaitschuk said the National Sheriffs Association put out a note to their state partners that there are 700,000 Immigration and Customs Enforcement administrative arrest warrants that are active. But, that doesn’t matter in Illinois.

“Illinois law enforcement is precluded and prohibited from participating in any activity that is solely related to civil enforcement,” Kaitschuk told The Center Square.

Illinois law, through the TRUST Act and The Way Forward Act, prohibits state and local law enforcement from cooperating with federal immigration officials if a civil detention order is the only thing ICE has against someone.

While Kaitschuk said they can cooperate when there are criminal orders, law enforcement not being able to cooperate with civil warrants can still cause security concerns.

“Unfortunately things do go wrong, right, and then we’re in a situation where you may not know anything about what’s occurring,” Kaitschuk said. “So, we’re kind of blind in those cases.”

Daily immigration arrests nationwide haven’t been comprehensively published, but some estimates are more than 21,000 immigration detentions across the country since Jan. 20, when President Donald Trump took office.

Last week, state Sen. Omar Aquino, D-Chicago, told a group of immigration advocates that Illinois will stand strong.

“You are not going to come into our house and just try to take people and separate families in this state,” Aquino said. “People have rights. They are human rights.”

Illinois law also limits ICE from using local county detention facilities. Kaitschuk said the state’s sanctuary policies prohibit police from even knowing whether they have a suspected illegal immigrant in their jail.

“And [ICE] they’re having to go to people’s houses and at the point in time, the problem then is that you may be subjecting people then that weren’t involved in any other criminal activity other than being here … not legally and open them up to being subjected to ICE at that point in time in that residence, as opposed to if they were at the jail, where they wouldn’t have been,” Kaitschuk said.

Illinois and Chicago officials are on the other side of the U.S. Department of Justice in litigation over migrant sanctuary policies. Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson is due in front of the U.S. House Oversight Committee Wednesday to discuss the city’s migrant sanctuary policies.

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